Category Archives: UKIP

In The Deepening Darkness, Tommy Is A Morning Star

The deep national crisis has been a long time coming and it’s bigger than just Brexit.

It’s even bigger than a quasi-constitutional crisis about whether we’re a functioning democracy.

In full scope it’s an existential crisis about the United Kingdom and its identity, meaning and role in the world.

It started in 1971 when Edward Heath deceived the nation by claiming the EEC was purely about trade and cooperation. The project’s purpose was economic not political he insisted, in clear contradiction of the EU’s Founding Fathers like Robert Schuman.

We believed Heath and hadn’t heard of Schuman’s schemes, so we voted accordingly.

We now know where that has led us. In the name of erasing Europe’s nation-states, a bureaucratic and unaccountable Leviathan has arisen in Brussels. By bribing most of them with our money, the monster has succeeded where Napoleon and Hitler failed: it has gobbled up and strait-jacketed other European nations large and small, ancient and modern, and now struts its stuff across the world stage complete with its own nation-state emblems of flag, anthem, central bank, diplomatic corps and an incipient military force.

Hypocrisy and hubris have become the food and faeces of the Brussels Leviathan.

And, after a thousand years of independence, our once-proud nation has been reduced to the status of an off-shore province and a cash-cow for the management of the monster.

Over the past half century too, and in close cooperation with the Brussels elite who now legislate and regulate our political life, the UK’s liberal political class has busied itself with interfering in our personal and social lives by imposing its language and values on us. It has achieved this via the organs of state – including the fourth estate of the mainstream media – that, like Stalin and Animal Farm’s Comrade Napoleon, arbitrate between “correct” and “incorrect” thoughts, words and deeds. It now controls our discourse and sets the agenda of what we may or may not talk about.

As a result we have been disabled from challenging the establishment’s own deep-seated Anglophobia, fawning Islamophilia, support for mass immigration, minority-worship, devaluation of marriage, promotion of gender fluidity among primary school-age kids, preference for emotion and ideology over facts and evidence, ‘hate-speech’ bans, and all the other progressive-liberal harms and cultural destruction that they’ve foisted upon us.

If we do challenge them, we are subjected to their full arsenal of hate words – xenophobic, Islamophobic, racist, homophobic, transphobic, bigoted, misogynist, a hater or similar – and, if we’re not hauled into court, we are cast into outer political and social darkness.

By June 2016, this liberal hegemony and control of our lives and language was almost complete.

But then the British distaste for lying tyrants and self-serving dictators – even liberal ones with their sleek stage management, their glossy self-presentation, their smooth language about tolerance, compassion and inclusion, and their grasping hands thrust smilingly into our pockets – led the people to vote decisively for Brexit.

It was a volcanic eruption of unprecedented proportions. Britons, especially working-class and middle England, voted for freedom from the reserves of independence and liberty found deep within the national psyche, and this of course threatened to break up the smug and settled liberal landscape on the public surface.

Inevitably the elite mask of civility and tolerance slipped: the response became venomous, the gloves came off and the fight to overturn the democratic will of the people commenced.

Tory Remainers were installed at both addresses in Downing Street; quisling staffers and inexperienced civil servants were sent to negotiate terms with hard-nosed Brussels apparatchiks tasked with punishing the departing non-believers pour encourager les autres; prominent big-beast Brexiteers were enervated by lucrative contracts with media outlets, proved impotent around the Cabinet table, or staffed the Dad’s Army of incompetent and tribal Tory back-benchers; and by November 2018 the light of Brexit and freedom was dying, snuffed out by the Prime Minister’s surrender document of vassalage and servitude.

But against the deepening darkness of national decline and Brexit treachery, a morning star has arisen from a council estate in Luton, flickering at first but now shining ever stronger. The star has confronted the darkness, outwitted the elite and given people hope. The star is called Tommy Robinson.

Working almost alone Robinson has created a huge supporter base by continuously promoting his views and activities over social media. He currently has over 1 million followers on Facebook – more than any of the mainstream political parties.

His hour-long address to the prestigious Oxford University Union has been viewed nearly 1.3 million times.

When he was wrongly arrested and sentenced to jail in a flawed trial earlier this year, 30,000 people took to the streets of London, his name was written in the sky over Sydney Opera House and protests took place outside British consulates and high commissions around the world, including Auckland, Ottawa, Vienna, Copenhagen and New York.

Tommy is everything the politically-correct elite despises: working class, white and male – although he is still too young for them to dismiss him as ‘gammon’. Nor does he drive a white van.

He is intelligent, quick-witted and courageous, and learns swiftly from his mistakes. When he realised the English Defence League he founded was being infiltrated by racists and thugs, he resigned in disgust.

He had formed EDL when Al Muhajiroun extremists led by Anjem Choudary hurled abuse at Royal Anglian Regiment soldiers as they marched through the streets of Luton on their return from Iraq. He was incensed that it was the St George’s Flag-waving Regiment supporters who were arrested, not the Choudary Islamist groupies.

Tommy has since single-handedly and successfully insisted that we must talk about the Muslim grooming gangs that have brutally raped probably quarter of a million underage girls over the past three or four decades. He is, too, increasingly identifying the authorities that persistently turned a blind eye to the atrocities and thereby left many thousands of vulnerable girls in the hands of Pakistani perpetrators.

He would not be silenced when he was banned by Twitter for publishing “hateful” tweets not about Muslims but about Islam. He promptly led a #FreeSpeech march of 3,000 through central London to Speakers Corner, the traditional home of democratic debate.

He has bearded the judiciary in their Old Bailey den with a brilliantly-timed personally-composed Defence Statement that caused the judge to cancel the legal trial, release Tommy from bail and refer the issue up to the Attorney General for a political decision.

He has out-manoeuvred the military establishment. When the Muslim Council of Britain complained to the Ministry of Defence about pictures of Tommy alongside British Army cadets at Newport Pagnell service station on the M1, the military denounced the pictures, investigated the cadets and, the young soldiers revealed, dismissed one. The MCB said “Jump”: the British Army said “How high?” – so Tommy collected 200,000 signatures for a petition demanding the reinstatement of the soldier. He presented it at 10 Downing Street on the same day it emerged that the soldier was not to be dismissed after all. This was, of course, not a coincidence.

His detractors point out he has a criminal record; he illegally entered the US on a false passport, lied on a mortgage application and head-butted an off-duty police officer who intervened in his on-street domestic dispute with his wife.

But supporters retort that these are minor infractions compared with, say, the dodgy-dossier lies, fraudulent prospectuses and illegal wars of the former prime minister, prominent Remainer and BBC favourite, Tony Blair. Blair is only protected from a substantial criminal record by his membership of the ruling class.

And anyway, Tommy has had to grow up recently and put foolish things behind him.

He may be a rising star but he is also a marmite figure; you either like him or loathe him. But he is not divisive; rather he forcefully highlights the divisions that others have created, especially the chasm between the well-heeled politically-correct globalist elite and the rest of us.

On Sunday week Tommy is turning his attention to the current crisis facing the country. Together with UKIP leader Gerard Batten, he is calling for a ‘Brexit Betrayal’ demonstration in London just days before Parliament votes on Theresa May’s pitiable surrender document.

It should be electric. It might light up the political firmament. It’s an event not to be missed.

This article was first published on 30th November by Kipper Central

Rape Gangs: Labour’s Poisonous Cocktail

“He threatened… he would ‘bounce me from Rochdale to Westminster’,” Simon Danczuk, told the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse last October. The former Rochdale Labour MP was talking about  the current Rochdale Labour MP, Tony Lloyd.

At the time Tony Lloyd was Labour’s Police & Crime Commissioner for Manchester. So what had wrung this threat of violence from the city’s then senior representative of law and order?

“Tony did not want the abuse of children linking with the Asian Muslim community,” Danczuk continued, “because it could have an adverse electoral impact for him in the election for Police Commissioner and Labour more generally.”

85% of Muslims vote Labour, so the party’s fear of upsetting that community runs deep.

Jim Dobbin, the now deceased Labour MP for neighbouring Heywood & Middleton, promoted similar electoral self-interest according to Danczuk. “When the grooming scandal hit the town… (Dobbin) also told me not to link the issue to the Asian Muslim community because it would have an adverse electoral impact.”

This connection between Labour and the Muslim rape gangs, who for decades and with impunity have raped tens of thousands of under-age white girls, is apparent right across the North and Midlands. It is no coincidence that local authorities where notorious gangs have openly peddled their foul trade – Rochdale and Rotherham, Newcastle and Oxford, Bradford and Blackburn – are frequently Labour fiefdoms. For reasons of electoral expediency Labour simply denied what was happening under their noses and in plain sight.

This denial provokes a furious response when challenged. Sarah Champion, the courageous Labour MP for Rotherham since 2012, exposed the deception at the heart of her party last year when she wrote in a newspaper column that “Britain has a problem with British Pakistani men raping and exploiting white girls”. The response was swift and draconian from both the Corbynite Hard Left and the Labour-supporting Muslim community.

First she was forced to resign from Jeremy Corbyn’s shadow cabinet, with the party leader insisting “We are not going to blame… or demonise any particular group.”

Then she received death threats after a Leftist ‘racial justice’ organisation JUST Yorkshire claimed Muslims were being racially abused as a result of her remarks, and accused her of “inciting and inviting hatred against minorities”. Scotland Yard’s counter-terrorism unit increased her personal risk level and she was provided with extra police security.

And she is currently facing deselection by the Labour Party, as the Rotherham branch of Momentum and senior members of the town’s Council of Mosques have combined to get her removed as the party’s candidate for the next general election.

It isn’t only electoral self-interest that persuaded Labour to ignore or deny the abuse. Political correctness too was playing its malign part.

When Labour MP Anne Cryer first identified the grooming issue and approached the authorities that have a duty of care in her Keighley constituency – a town since dubbed the “grooming gang capital” of Britain – she found her party colleagues and Labour-supporting media like The Guardian viewed her actions as racist and wouldn’t back her. “At the time I was dealing with this, 2002-04, political correctness was playing a big part,” she said. “The Guardian at that time hardly mentioned these things… because it was so politically correct.”

The Labour MP for Rotherham until 2012, Denis MacShane, admitted there was “a culture of not wanting to rock the multicultural community boat”, and confessed that “as a true Guardian reader and liberal leftie” he himself didn’t want to investigate the issue either.

The sexualisation of children and normalisation of unlawful underage sex has been pushed and promoted for decades by ‘liberal lefties’ in the Labour Party and elsewhere, and has facilitated the rape gang atrocities too according to a number of Serious Case Reviews.

In the early eighties senior Labour figures – former deputy party leader Harriet Harman, current Shadow Minister for Work and Pensions Jack Dromey and minister in Tony Blair’s government Patricia Hewitt – all ran a civil liberties group, now called ‘Liberty’, that promoted its affiliate, the notorious Paedophile Information Exchange, which campaigned for the reduction or abolition of the age of consent. Hewitt herself proposed the age of consent should be reduced to 10 from the current 16. Harman even argued that sexually explicit child pornography should not be considered indecent unless it could be proved that the child had suffered harm.

Thirty years later Labour-run Birmingham City Council pioneered the introduction of the gay-propaganda CHIPS programme to pre-pubescent primary school children, in which children as young as five learnt about intimate same-sex relationships. This was soon followed by Labour-dominated Durham Council and others across the country.

Labour has not been alone in promoting the sexualisation of children and the normalisation of unlawful underage sex of course, but the party has been in the forefront of liberalising attitudes through, for instance, the Blair government’s strategy for tackling teenage pregnancies, 9% of which were attributed to girls under 16. Children were viewed as capable of taking their own lifestyle and life-changing decisions, parents were aggressively sidelined and sexual health centres together with school nurses freely provided condoms, sexual advice and even abortions to teens of all ages without judgement or question.

Following the 2013 Oxford rape gang convictions where seven Muslim men were found guilty of sexual violence, sadism, rape and assault on six white girls all of whom were underage, the key question arose: Why wasn’t something done by local agencies and authorities with a duty of care for the children; why didn’t they intervene to protect the children when they knew what was happening?

The Oxford Serious Case Review concluded:

“There was…an acceptance of a degree of underage sexual activity that reflects a wider societal reluctance to consider something ‘wrong’. This involves ascribing to young teenagers a degree of self-determining choice which should be respected. […] In a nutshell, a child may be judged mature enough to get contraceptives to have sex with an adult at an age when they are deemed in law unable to give consent to the sex itself. It is no wonder there was confusion and a lack of confidence in taking action.” 

In other words, when a vulnerable underage girl was known to be having unlawful sex with older men, the Oxford authorities did not intervene because they viewed her as exercising her free lifestyle choice.

Similar observations can be found in the 2013 Rochdale Serious Case Review. And the 2014 Rotherham Inquiry found bluntly that “children as young as 11 were deemed (by the authorities) to be having consensual intercourse when in fact they were being raped and abused by adults.”

It is no coincidence of course that Oxford City, Rochdale and Rotherham councils are all run by the same party.

Labour’s poisonous cocktail of electoral self-interest, political correctness and promotion of underage sex has facilitated the rape with impunity of many thousands of vulnerable girls across the country.

The victims should obtain justice and reparation from the Labour-run authorities for their culpable failure to protect them.

And UKIP must hold the Labour Party to account for its culpable failure at next May’s local elections.

This article was first published on 5th November by UKIP Daily and Kipper Central 

Rape Gangs: The Worst Social Crime For 200 Years

The decades-long and nationwide rape of many thousands of underage girls – and some boys – by brutal and depraved predominantly Muslim rape gangs is, in my view, the worst social crime for 200 years.

Decades-long?

Jayne Senior, the local whistle-blower who exposed the extent of child abuse in Rotherham, says that the gangs were certainly operating in the town in the 1990s.

Researcher and writer Peter McLoughlin – whose book Easy Meat is obligatory reading for those who want to understand the horror – reckons the first public reference to rape gang activity was in the Birmingham area in 1988, but he is confident that with further research grooming by Muslim men could be traced back even to the 70s.

Thanks to its Freedom of Information requests, the Sunday Mirror investigation into Telford child grooming obtained documents showing that the abuse epidemic was first recorded internally by the authorities as long ago as 1981.

So the rape gangs have existed in the UK, publicly unidentified and unacknowledged by the authorities, for up to four decades.

Nationwide?

It’s a mistake to think that the grooming gangs are restricted just to working-class northern towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, Bury, Newcastle and Bradford.

Telford in Shropshire has a massive ongoing grooming scandal and returns a Tory MP. Oxford, with its dreaming spires but also its infamous ‘shag wagon’ rape gang, is hardly a declining industrial city.

“Any area that says it does not have a problem with grooming gangs simply isn’t looking for it,” said the Chief Executive of Newcastle City Council in February following Northumbria Police’s extensive Operation Sanctuary investigation into child sexual abuse. Chief Constable Steve Ashman concurred: “There is every likelihood that this is happening in every town and city across the country,” he said.

Indeed it is. The cancer has spread countrywide. Even the quintessentially English south coast port of Plymouth, where Sir Francis Drake allegedly played bowls while the Spanish Armada approached, with its cobbled streets and famous Mayflower Steps from which Pilgrim Fathers set off for the new world in 1620, has suffered from grooming gang activities. Eight men were arrested on rape and drugs charges in December 2016: Salar Mohmood, Ibriam Ibryam, Samir Jewa, Mahmoud Kadar, Dana Rahem, Jasem Waly, Mozafar Kalepana and Xhimi Boko.

And the well-heeled and historic market town of Banbury in leafy Oxfordshire has had its own resident grooming gang too.

Many thousands of victims?

Sarah Champion, Rotherham’s MP since 2012, has labelled the rape gangs a “national disaster” and claimed there are “hundreds of thousands… up to a million victims of exploitation nationwide… girls in the process of being groomed.” She bases her calculations not only on her Rotherham experience but also from contacts she has had from across the country. As evidence she cited “four big cases each with a couple of thousand (girls)” that were occurring in the “smallest towns”.

In 2015 then Prime Minister David Cameron saw the issue as sufficiently serious and widespread to call it a “national threat” – although he did not publicly quantify that threat. 

Sampling can help us make reasonable estimates about the phenomenon:

In June 2017 police in the small mill town of Keighley announced they were investigating 179 new rape crimes, with 168 suspects and “more than 100 victims.” Keighley has a population of 51,000 and such an extensive track record of rape gang activity – publicly identified by the courageous Ann Cryer when she was local MP from 1997 to 2010 – that it caused the town to be named the nation’s “child grooming capital”. Extrapolating across the whole country solely, and therefore very conservatively, from the police’s 100 newly identified victims as a proportion of Keighley’s total population, there are at least 129,000 victims nationwide.

Oxford, has a population of 152,000 and 373 identified victims according to the Safeguarding Board’s Serious Case Review – but undoubtedly with many other hidden and unidentified children who have suffered too. Extrapolated across the UK, these cautious SCR figures indicate that there are at least 162,000 victims nationally.

Telford, has a population of 170,000 and, from the Sunday Mirror investigation, 1,000 victims. Extrapolated, this would imply 388,000 victims nationally.

Professor Jay’s Rotherham report “conservatively” identified 1,400 child abuse victims in the town during the period 1999 to 2013, out of a total population of around 255,000. Jayne Senior reckons the figure should be “at least 1,700… and could be up to 2,000 victims”. If we assume the real figure is Senior’s 1,700, then 0.07% of the total Rotherham population suffered at the hands of the rape gangs during those 14 years. More, of course, have suffered before and since.

Extrapolating the Rotherham figures across the UK, the national figure would be 440,000 victims.

From the above and other evidence it is reasonable to assume that there are now at least a quarter of a million (250,000) child victims of rape gangs across the UK – a national atrocity that is simply beyond words.

In a future article I intend to identify local authorities’ complicity in the atrocity, and how they sacrificed the nation’s children on the high altars of political correctness and electoral expediency.

This article was first published by UKIP Daily on 15 October and by Kipper Central on 16th October, 2018

Truth-telling About Rape Gang ‘Holocaust’, UKIP Conference 2018

In my capacity as UKIP Spokesperson for Families & Children, I gave a platform speech at the party’s annual conference in Birmingham on 21st/22nd September.

I focused on the largely unacknowledged and shameful rape gang scandal, which I referred to as a ‘holocaust of our daughters’.

The Daily Mirror said my comments were incendiary  while ITV’s report reckoned I was accused of being “alarmist“.

But in my view ‘holocaust’ is a valid description of the immense scale and violent depraved depths of the crime against under-age children across the country, and the UKIP audience seemed to agree.

If you wish you can make up your own mind by viewing the speech here .

CSA And Rape Gangs: Honour Survivors’ Courage

The two most electrifying speakers at the #SurvivorsFirst rally of child sexual abuse sufferers at Rochdale were both Scots.

Dave Sharp, one of the organisers, told how he had been raped, drugged, shut in coffins, hanged by the neck and trafficked to Ireland while at a Catholic boys’ residential school in Fife. After years of drug and alcohol abuse to numb the pain, he became a Christian, turned his life around and now seeks out and supports other victims of CSA through the organisation he founded, Seek And Find Everyone (SAFE).

I have heard Dave speak before. I was the more shocked when I heard Shazia Hobbs for the first time.

Shazia is the Glasgow-born daughter of a Pakistani immigrant father and a Scottish mother who was her father’s second wife. Brought up to go to mosque and, at 18, forced into marriage to a much older Muslim man who she met for the first time on her wedding night, she rebelled and left her Pakistani family and community to live amongst white Scottish Glaswegians.

Having seen the Pakistani Muslim community from the inside, she now speaks publicly about the physical and sexual abuse of women and children within it.

As she stood in the shadow of Rochdale’s renowned Victorian Gothic town hall with its massive clock tower, Shazia attacked Muslim female politicians Naz Shah, Labour MP for Bradford West, and former Tory party chairman Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, for complaining loudly about Islamophobia in the white community while being mute about the oppression of women and children in their own where, Shazia says, CSA and FGM are rife.

Truth hurts. Through her exposures she has upset some Muslims and their useful idiots on the Left, so she now has a panic button installed in her home and is under police protection. She lives in fear for her own safety but refuses to be silenced.

I admired her courage; it was a privilege to listen to her. Her speech was also a useful balance to the dominant Rochdale narrative about white English girls being raped by gangs of Pakistani Muslim men, for which the town has become notorious.

It was because of these infamous rape gangs that #SurvivorsFirst chose Rochdale for its first CSA survivors’ rally.

The #SurvivorsFirst movement is an umbrella body that comprises a number of grassroots CSA organisations such as SAFE, Shatterboys UK and Parents Against Grooming UK. It was launched in Hyde Park at the end of July where we heard heart-felt stories from sexually abused people who, with help from the organisations, had bravely moved on from seeing themselves as damaged ‘victims’ to identifying themselves as more hopeful ‘survivors’. The launch was an emotional experience.

On Saturday we marched through Rochdale town centre holding #SurvivorsFirst banners aloft. We stopped at the location of the notorious Smith Street toilets where boys in Council care in the 80s had been sexually exploited by paedophiles directly under the watch of Council child care officers. We threw roses into the River Roch in memory of abused children and those who have subsequently taken their own lives.

And we heard more compelling speeches from survivors and their help organisations.

UKIP was strongly represented. Katie Fanning from the NEC was everywhere chatting to survivors and putting photos up on Facebook. Members of UKIP Rochdale branch helped steward the rally. And I was welcomed onto the speakers’ platform as UKIP’s Families & Children spokesperson.

In my speech I insisted that, to help survivors get closure, rigorous justice should be both done and seen to be done. Those at senior level in large organisations like the BBC, the church and local authorities who have a duty of care towards children in their charge and who had deliberately turned a blind eye to CSA taking place, should be sacked, prosecuted and if appropriate jailed.

I also pledged UKIP would ensure that offending institutions would fund programmes of therapy, mentoring and medical help for their CSA victims, in order to help them recover from their trauma.

The commitments were well received and UKIP will be invited to the next rally. The organisers reckon that 200,000 people watched the event live on social media, which they reckon will help get the public behind their new movement.

The courage of the survivors in speaking up in public and working to get their lives back is impressive. They deserve UKIP’s full support.

This report was first published by UKIP Daily on 28th August and a similar report was published by Kipper Central on 27th  August

Nigel Farage: Hero To Zero?

Nigel was my hero.

I loved him for how, almost singlehandedly, he had rescued the country from the controlling clutches of Jean-Claude Junker and the power-mad dead-hands in Brussels.

I respected him for how, single-mindedly, he had toured the country for 20 years speaking against our membership of the EU. I first heard him in a Tottenham backstreet ten years ago before I joined UKIP. The meeting had been organised by Winston McKenzie, then UKIP’s Commonwealth spokesman, but it was a cold wet night and only 10 people attended. Nevertheless Nigel was charismatic, passionate and funny. I was impressed.

I admired him for how he was so committed to the cause that he rolled with the punches, took insults, opprobrium and debilitating ‘racist’ accusations on the chin, and still came back for more – usually smiling and with a pint in his hand.

I even defended him when he resigned as party leader immediately after the 2016 referendum, leaving the party bereft and adrift. “Nigel has given his all,” I pointed out to his UKIP critics. “He has earned a holiday and a break from politics.”

The first inkling that Nigel wanted to stay involved in UKIP internal affairs despite his resignation came when he agreed to be Henry Bolton’s political referee during the September 2017 party leadership election. I was David Kurten’s campaign manager and was frustrated that Nigel should give this huge and unfair boost to Henry, alone of all the candidates.

My jaw also dropped with disappointment when, in January this year, Nigel argued that there possibly should be a second referendum to stop the whining and whingeing of Remoaners like Nick Clegg and Tony Blair. It seemed like betrayal. After all UKIP’s hard work, Nigel was now wobbling under pressure from lightweight busted flushes Clegg and Blair. My hero’s halo was beginning to slip.

But the show-stopper came in February when Nigel again publicly backed the incompetent lothario Henry Bolton. Bolton’s antics and arrogance were destroying UKIP before our eyes, yet Nigel fatuously compared him to Jeremy Corbyn and said Bolton could be the reforming saviour of the party.

Fortunately members ignored him and at the Birmingham EGM the same month they voted for Bolton to pack his bags. Nigel’s nominee was sacked after just five ineffective and embarrassing months in the job.

The party, though, was left a laughing-stock and nearly bankrupt. And Nigel’s halo was hanging by a thread.

Without personal ambition and from an honourable sense of duty, Gerard Batten stepped into the breach and promptly raised enough money to save the party and force London Mayor Sadiq Khan to eat his spite-fuelled words. He appointed a new chairman and treasurer and new deputy leaders, and started to clear up Henry’s mess and steady the ship.

And as the party’s former Brexit spokesman, he ensured exiting the EU remained the party’s core issue and his personal priority.

But Gerard is also known as a proponent of free speech and a critic of Islam, although he will never countenance any form of Muslim-bashing.

In this context former Islamic extremist and founder of the Quilliam Foundation, Majid Naawaz, draws  an important distinction between Muslimophobia (hating Muslims as people) which is not acceptable, and Islamophobia (hating Islam the religion) which is. It’s a distinction that is vital in a democracy, and one that I suspect Gerard strongly supports.

When Gerard tweeted recently that ‘Islam is a death cult’, his Twitter account was immediately suspended and his free speech curtailed. But it’s a valid if contentious view about Islam that ought to be open for free debate, not closed down.

And indeed, if Gerard had instead described Christianity or Communism as a death cult, nobody would have batted an eyelid. Read for instance the extraordinary abuse that celebrity atheist Richard Dawkins heaps on the Jewish and Christian God in his best-seller, ‘The God Delusion’- insults he repeats on stage and screen while chortling at his own cleverness. I’ve seen him.

And read the Winston Churchill and Ronald Reagan stinging critiques of Communism.

The blasphemy laws that protect Islam alone from criticism and that prevail in official circles and the media as well as on Twitter, have caught others in their net too. Lauren Southern was banned from the UK as a result of the adjectives she applied to Islam’s Allah – adjectives that are much milder than those Dawkins applies to Christianity’s God.

And when Tommy Robinson held up a Quran on Piers Morgan’s Good Morning Britain TV show and said it is a violent and accursed book – which is virtually exactly what Dawkins says about the Bible – Morgan went apoplectic, the media went into meltdown and the show was referred to Ofcom.

More recently Robinson was banned from Twitter too. Gerard decided therefore to join his ‘Day of Freedom’ protest outside Downing Street on 6th May to speak up for free speech and the right to criticise Islam freely as we do other religions and ideologies.

Robinson is no saint and certainly he has in the past strayed into Muslimophobia which is utterly unacceptable. Muslims are our fellow citizens and deserve respect like everyone else.

But the aim of the protest was right so Gerard spoke powerfully from the platform. He also spoke at last weekend’s massive (and global) #FreeTommy protest after Robinson was suddenly arrested, convicted and jailed all within five hours at Leeds Crown Court.

Some party members are wary of the UKIP association with Robinson and the apparent tilt of the party towards the free-speech Right. Jim Carver MEP quietly resigned. Other members have emailed Gerard their concerns and anxious senior colleagues have no doubt spoken to him in private. That’s the right route, and I have little doubt the leader will take on board what they say.

But Nigel does party allegiance differently. He has toured UKIP branches openly criticising the association with Robinson and objecting to any anti-Islam stance – views that were rapidly republished on social and old media .

Any private suggestions or quiet words of advice from the former leader to the current one? None. Instead it’s the Farage foghorn, sounded with the deliberate intention of stirring up party disunity.

Having nearly destroyed the party by foisting Henry Bolton on us, it looks like Nigel is having another go with his wrecking ball by publicly undermining the leader who rescued us from that disaster.

Yet he could instead do something really constructive and useful. Brexit is in crisis. He might follow the example of Gordon Brown during the 2014 Scottish Independence referendum. The former prime minister came out of political retirement, toured Scotland with a series of barnstorming speeches and, by various accounts, turned public opinion and saved the day. Nigel could do likewise for exiting the EU and we’d love him for it.

Meanwhile his halo now lies in the dust and my hero has made himself zero.

If Nigel cannot show some loyalty to the party and its present leader, he should renounce his party membership and butt out.

This article was first published by UKIP Daily and Kipper Central on 15th June

A Tale Of Two Judges

“If the law supposes that,” said Mr. Bumble, squeezing his hat emphatically in both hands, “the law is an ass – an idiot.”

Mr Bumble’s dismissal of the legal system in Charles Dickens’ story of Oliver Twist came immediately to mind – but with the word ‘law’ amended to ‘judge’ – when I read last week that Britain’s most senior family court judge has argued that we should celebrate the demise of the traditional family unit and the growth of alternative domestic arrangements.

Indeed, “callously asinine” and “heartlessly idiotic” are more accurate descriptions of the outspoken judge’s views.

Sir James Munby is not the first of the UK’s American-style politicised judges who in recent years have jettisoned judicial neutrality in favour of further promoting the prevailing liberal agenda.

Neither is he the first to reject the intact two-parent family and to celebrate new flexible forms of ‘family’ that have developed – or been imported – over the past half-century.

The modern family has been defined as ‘a group of people who share a fridge’. Certainly an array of relationships is now on offer as ‘family’ – single parents, gay couples, threesomes (or ‘thruples’), temporary marriages, open and monogamish marriages, group and polygamous marriages. In California unsurprisingly, a man married his dog.

The government helped the decline of traditional marriage when it announced during the 2013 gay marriage debate that adultery would no longer be grounds for divorce. Undermining the traditional promise of faithfulness ‘till death do us part’, Baroness Stowell told the House of Lords in effect that modern couples are welcome to ignore their marriage vows and to get out and play the field. Legally, adultery is not now an issue.

But research confirms what common sense indicates, that on average children do best – socially, educationally, and health-wise – when they are nurtured by both birth parents who are committed to each other by marriage. This is not to say that single parents, for instance, cannot do a good job; after WW2 many widows were forced to bring up their children alone.

But children flourish best where there is stability, commitment and the unique love-bond that only both birth parents can give. When parents split, and when new partners are introduced into the home, the adverse impact on children’s sense of security and wellbeing is immense.

Tellingly, a previous family court judge has come to exactly the opposite conclusions to Sir James, and was virtually forced off the judges’ bench for saying so:

Sir Paul Coleridge served on the Family Division bench for fourteen years, from where day by day he saw the misery of fractured families and broken relationships. Instead of celebrating the resulting new forms of family, he twice spoke out publicly about the tragic decline of marriage, the peripheral relevance of same-sex marriage and the scourge of family breakdown; and in 2013 he was disciplined by the Judicial Conduct Office for action “incompatible with his judicial responsibilities”.

He promptly resigned and set up the Marriage Foundation to tackle this “national tragedy” by promoting long-lasting stable relationships within marriage. The organisation now has growing influence as it publishes reliable research into the personal and social cost of fracturing families and the benefits of long-term stable marriages.

Sir James of course will not be disciplined by the JCO because, unlike Sir Paul, he speaks slickly into the prevailing politically-correct anti-marriage zeitgeist.

But two opposite-sex married parents who prioritise their children’s wellbeing has, for good reason, been the healthy norm for flourishing families and the bedrock of a successful society for millennia, at least in Britain.

If we listen to Sir James, children will continue to suffer and society will continue its descent into selfish, isolated and dystopian individualism.

If we listen to Sir Paul, we can rescue wholesome family life and produce healthy nurturing social relationships, through which the next and succeeding generations will prosper.

Guess which judge issues the better judgement…

This post was first published by Kipper Central on 7th June

Another night in Rochdale

It was a filthy wet evening in Rochdale.

I was concerned, as I had arranged for two key people in the growing grassroots anti-grooming movement to meet and to go out on patrol around the town centre.

One of them is Billy Howarth, Rochdale born and bred, a working class man and proud of it. When he discovered that his young daughter was being groomed and the authorities failed to act, he went ballistic. If they wouldn’t do something to protect his daughter and girls like her, he would; he promptly set up Parents Against Grooming UK.

One of PAGUK’s activities is to run parent patrols around the town to warn children and young teenagers about the sexual abusers that inhabit public places like the bus station. As I saw when he took me out on patrol before Christmas, he knows everyone in the town, has a good relationship with the youngsters, and on their behalf has become a sharp thorn in the side of authorities and perpetrators alike.

For instance former Islamic preacher Abdul Rauf is one of the nine infamous Rochdale groomers who were convicted in 2012. He has since been released from prison back into the community. When Billy saw Rauf waiting in a car outside a local school recently – the same school that two of Rauf’s victims had attended – he went up to the car, verbally accosted him, filmed him and forced him to move on.

The other is Mohan Singh, the formidable founder of the Sikh Awareness Society, which he set up to counter the grooming of Sikh girls who, like the English victims, are despised kuffar (non-believers) to the Muslim paedophiles. Mohan’s work was the subject of a BBC Inside Out documentary: “The hidden scandal of sexual grooming of young Sikh girls by Muslim men.” You can view it here.

I first met Mohan earlier this year at his Birmingham home. I straight away realised that he sees the grooming gang atrocities with a penetrating clarity. “It’s an Islamic issue that’s occurring on an industrial scale across the country,” he told me. “Politically-correct authorities won’t deal with it properly until middle England wakes up and forces them to.”

With his long beard, orange turban, chola (Sikh warrior dress) and kirpan (Sikh ceremonial knife), I knew Mohan would cut a colourful and imposing figure out on parent patrol around the grey wet streets of Rochdale. The purpose of the patrols is educational and peaceful so there is almost never trouble. But also, loitering paedophiles know not to mess with Billy. Neither, I knew, would they mess with Mohan.

I introduced the two men to each other in the car park of Rochdale’s world-renowned Victorian Gothic town hall under its massive clock tower. It was a first meeting between these key activists that should strengthen the growing grassroots anti-grooming movement and result in some fruitful cooperation.

As we sheltered from the sheeting rain in a nearby hostelry, others joined us: John Clynch from the Democratic Football Lads Alliance; Dan Wolstencroft from Shatter Boys UK, one of the few organisations that supports male sexual abuse survivors; Tricky Powell from the pioneering group Women Against Grooming; and Rob Mudd and Tommy Barnes from UKIP Rochdale branch who recently ran a hard-hitting local election campaign over Labour’s responsibility for the grooming scandal.

Vlogger Phil Davies, aka Red Pill Phil, came along to film the event too.

It was a useful gathering of grassroots anti-grooming groups; contacts were made and plans were laid for future initiatives together.

In the event, the foul weather was so bad that the street patrol itself was a damp squib. We set off around Rochdale’s empty streets, got wet, but saw few people.

But overall, participants were encouraged. “At last people are seeing through the political correctness that has hidden the grooming gang threat,” said UKIP’s Rob Mudd. “Parents and grandparents are increasingly worried about the safety of their children, but there’s hope for them in the growing grassroots movement here in Rochdale and across the country.”

This article was first published on 29th May by Kipper Central

Alfie – Owned By The State

The courageous parents of little Alfie, Tom Ward and Kate James, have discovered the totalitarian fact that their child belongs first to the State.

Silly us. We thought that we live in a democracy where the government and its minsters (note the word: to minister means ‘to support’, ‘to help’ or ‘to care for’) are elected by the people for the people; where public servants are employed to, er, serve the public; and where the publicly-funded State institutions like the Armed Services and the National Health Service are there to – well, the name is on the tin.

But no longer: in 2018 Britain the idiots run the asylum and the servants are now the masters.

It’s been a long time coming. Since WW2 the tentacles of the State have spread ever wider and deeper so that now, whatever the problem, the knee-jerk response is to call on the government to solve it and pay for it.

So when Labour MP Carolyn Harris tragically lost her eight year old son and found the burial expenses too demanding for her domestic budget, she naturally turned to the prime minister for help. Mrs May, being a compassionate if childless woman, opened her bottomless purse of public money to set up the Children’s Funeral Fund (CFF). Now no grieving parents – no matter how wealthy – will ever again have to pay to bury their child.

“In the raw pain of immediate loss, it cannot be right that grieving parents should have to worry about how to meet the funeral costs for a child they hoped to see grow into adulthood,” explained Tory Mrs May empathetically.

“This is a simple piece of dignity for bereaved families across the country,” agreed Jeremy Corbyn for Labour, offering words of care and compassion.

As a result the State further increases its involvement in the most unifying and private areas of family life. Whereas in an earlier age a wider circle of grandparents, uncles, aunts and cousins would have rallied round, made sacrifices and together fulfilled family responsibilities towards the grieving parents, they no longer have to.

The government has taken over a natural function of the family, the fairy godmother in Downing Street has given away more tax-payers’ funds, and Uncle Bill and Aunt Mavis are free to put down the deposit on their flyaway holiday or new car.

But State generosity with our cash comes at a democratic price – and here’s the rub. State involvement invariably brings with it the power to regulate our decisions and control our lives. To qualify for the CFF grant, grieving parents are required to use only permitted funeral directors and proper places and forms of burial or cremation.

It cannot be otherwise; it is good government to direct and hold to account those who receive public funds.

But, at £10 million pay-out a year, the CFF is merely a gnat bite to both government and society.

The National Health Service is a different being and on a different planet. Although born through the same spirit of compassion and service – Lord Soper called the 1946 formation of the NHS “the noblest domestic act of government in the 20th century and one of the most transparently Christian political acts in British history”- and with the same need to demonstrate good government, it has now grown into a massive £125 billion a year State behemoth whose reach extends into all areas of society.

And as a result bureaucracy has taken over from compassion, efficiency of management has replaced vocation of service, and through the NHS there has been dramatic expansion in the State’s power to regulate our personal decisions and control our family lives.

Which is what baby Alfie’s dad and mum, Tom Ward and Kate James, discovered when they passed their sick baby into the arms of the Alder Hey Children’s Hospital & NHS Foundation Trust. The hospital management decided they knew what was best for the little boy – to let him die – so they closed ranks, exercised their court-backed authority and refused to release the child back to his desperate parents.

The private affair became a public battle as Tom, Kate and their legal advisers faced up to the full power of the State – the legal system as well as the hospital authorities – in front of local supporters and global media alike.

The Pope appealed on their behalf, the Italian government granted citizenship to Alfie, and a fully-equipped air ambulance was on stand-by to fly the lad to reputable hospitals in Rome or Genoa.

But the servants are the masters now. The hospital management morphed into a monster, refused under any circumstances to grant the parents’ wishes and did not consider themselves obliged to publicly explain their reasons further than claiming a vague “best interests of the child”.

Alfie manifestly belonged to the State.

In the end a crushed and defeated Tom and Kate threw in the towel. They appealed for supporters outside the hospital to go home and said they would instead work with the hospital team “to provide our boy with the dignity and comfort he needs.”

Tragically, Alfie has now passed away. Our hearts go out to Tom and Kate as they grieve their loss in private.

Ironically, to add insult to injury, the State will now give them cash for their baby’s burial by way of the newly-created Children’s Funeral Fund.

A few days ago former Steven Woolfe MEP launched an ‘Alfie’s Law’ initiative through which parents like Tom and Kate will be able to choose an independent qualified advocate to act on their behalf in order to correct the power imbalance between themselves and the State.

I understand too that, in the light of the similar Ashya King and Charlie Gard cases, Lord Alton is working on a comparable initiative in the House of Lords.

Tom and Kate have lost their battle with the authorities, but their heroic action must serve as a wake-up call to parents and to democrats everywhere.

It’s time to grab back our rights from an increasingly totalitarian State, and UKIP must be at the front of the fight.

This article was first published on 3rd May by UKIP Daily

Time To Make Labour Pay

I have recently been appointed UKIP’s first spokesperson for Families & Children and in this capacity I have been spending time in Rochdale where one of the most infamous grooming gang scandals took place. I wrote the article below for Kipper Central this week:

It is a national catastrophe.

Predominantly Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs have flourished for decades up and down the country, while politically correct and self-interested Labour councils have turned a blind eye.

Thousands of young English girls have been groomed, raped, abused and trafficked as sex slaves, thanks to the Labour Party and its crime of omission.

Some Sikh girls and English boys too have had their lives wrecked by the groomers, while Labour looked the other way.

It’s right to hold Jeremy Corbyn’s party directly responsible. Rochdale, Rotherham, Oxford, Bradford, Keighley, Leicester, Telford, Oldham, Blackburn, Newcastle, Leeds, Ipswich, Birmingham, Slough, Blackpool, Preston, Hartlepool – these towns and others have two things in common:

First, every one of the town halls is run by Labour. And second, every one of these towns has provided public places – streets, shopping malls, school gates, curry houses, cab offices, car parks, even a car wash – for grooming gangs to operate freely, openly and with impunity.

It’s time to hold the Labour Party to account. Corrupted by political correctness so that it refused to acknowledge the abuse committed by members of ethnic and religious minority communities; and unwilling to upset these communities because of the volunteers, voting power and political support they supply to the party, Labour’s track record on the issue is shameful.

I have been investigating street grooming gangs for months and I first visited Billy Howarth, the founder of Rochdale’s Parents Against Grooming (PAGUK), in the autumn. As he showed me around the town centre where grooming takes place and told me about the corrupt Labour-dominated local council, I realised the issue is as much political as criminal. The gangs abused the girls because they knew the authorities would do nothing.

Whistle-blower Sara Rowbotham, who ran a sexual health centre for young people in Rochdale from 2004 until she was sacked in 2014, sent exact details of the street grooming to every relevant authority and agency in the town, but they sat on their hands.

More recently I met with the chairman of UKIP’s Rochdale branch, Lee Seville, and his committee. I took along leaders of both the Veterans Against Terrorism (VAT) and the Democratic Football Lads Alliance (DFLA) who have expressed strong support for UKIP.

Together we drew up battle plans to take on the all-powerful Rochdale Labour party in the local elections on 3rd May in order to expose their failure to protect vulnerable girls.

The campaign is to be launched this Thursday 12th April. The DFLA are organising a peaceful protest march through Rochdale town centre, meeting at the Old Cricket Ground, Dane Street, OL12 6XT (by Asda Superstore) at 1.00pm and finishing at the old Town Hall opposite the police station on The Esplanade, OL16 1LB.

During the march we will be handing out UKIP campaign leaflets about the grooming gang scandal in the town. As well as DFLA and VAT platform speakers, UKIP leader Gerard Batten will address the marchers and the attending media. So too will branch chairman Lee Seville. I will be speaking as UKIP’s Families and Children spokesman.

When the rally is over, we will move to UKIP’s target wards and deliver UKIP leaflets through as many doors as possible.

All UKIP members are welcome to join us to hear Gerard speak, and to support UKIP Rochdale in this David-and-Goliath battle.

We’ve got the cause. We’re starting the campaign. Now let’s make Labour pay.