Stop The Sex Education Runaway Train

The ‘Sex Education’ runaway train – driven by the liberal elite in Whitehall and Westminster and belching its pollutants into the classrooms of ever-younger children across the country – has hit a buffer at Parkfield Community School in Birmingham.

Up to 600 children aged between 4 and 11 – 80% of the school roll – have been withdrawn by parents who say the school has been “undermining parental rights and aggressively promoting homosexuality”.

It is unsurprising that a revolt against the state-sponsored sexualisation of pre-pubescent children should start at Parkfield with its overwhelmingly Muslim children and parents. The assistant headteacher is the LGBT activist Andrew Moffat who, in 2007, created the teaching resource Challenging Homophobia in Primary Schools (CHIPS).

In 2013 Moffat was forced to resign from another Birmingham primary school, Chilwell Croft Academy, when mainly Muslim parents objected to his pro-gay teaching.

His CHIPS programme is simply a surreptitious means of introducing young children to homosexuality under the guise of preventing ‘homophobic bullying’.

Of course it does not tackle the much more widespread forms of playground bullying such as ‘appearance bullying’. CHIPS is narrow, focused and age-inappropriate LGBT propaganda.

The programme includes using in class such colourful cartoon-illustrated story books as King and King and My Princess Boy. The purpose of these and other teaching aids is to “smash heteronormativity” as an associated website Educate and Celebrate says brutally, and to normalise homosexuality.

In the name of ‘inclusivity’, sex-education defenders claim that today’s primary school children must understand the diverse domestic lives of their classmates including those who come from same-sex homes. It is illuminating that they do not similarly claim that children should understand classmates who come from households where other adult pursuits take place, such as heavy drinking or smoking.

No, the priority is solely to promote homosexuality amongst pre-pubescent children. They have learnt well Aristotle’s maxim: “Give me a child until he is seven and I’ll give you the man.”

But the DfE programme for sexualising primary school children is not only about promoting the LGBT agenda, although that is a priority. Primary schools are currently showing the film Spring Fever to year 4 children. In this video, a naked opposite-sex couple are actively cuddling and kissing on a bed, and an erect penis is shown inserted into a vagina. The fact that the video is warm colourful animation seems to justify showing this graphic scene to innocent pre-pubescent children.

Like gay marriage and the transgender agenda, the sex-education syllabus for primary school children is also being forced on us top-down by the globalist liberal elite. So if we want to know what will be imposed on our children down the line, we should find out what currently is being promoted by the UN and international agencies.

The World Health Organisation’s European office based in Copenhagen, together with the German Federal Ministry of Health based in Cologne, have published ‘Standards for Sexuality in Europe’ which set out what European children of different ages should be taught.

Shockingly the ‘Standards’ include:

Age 0-4: explore nakedness and the body and gender identities. Learn ‘my body belongs to me’.

Age 4-6: name each body part – caregivers are instructed to ‘wash each body part’ and ‘talk about sexual matters in sexual language’. Children should be given information about enjoyment and sexual pleasure when touching one’s own body in early childhood masturbation.

Age 6-9: inform about menstruation and ejaculation, choices about pregnancy, different methods of contraception, sex in media, enjoyment and pleasure when touching one’s body… Children should examine their body, use sexual language and accept diversity.

UKIP has tried to forestall these further horrors coming from Europe. Since 2015 it has been party policy to ban all sex education in primary schools.

But for now it is the Parkfield school buffers that have provided a welcome halt to the CHIPS and sex-education train that’s steaming through the UK’s primary schools and crushing childhood innocence on its way.

It remains to be seen whether this is a temporary stop before the downward drive is resumed, or a permanent crash that might cause a rethink and a new, more age-appropriate direction of travel.

 This article was first published by Politicalite on 25th March 

Child Abuse By Another Name

“That’s no surprise,” I reckoned when I saw the media headlines. “The Department for Education looks determined to extend its war on normal traditional families, normal healthy parenting and normal innocent children.” And, as I read the stories under the headlines, my heart sank. I was right.

With effect from September 2020 primary school children as young as five must be taught about gay and transgender relationships. And parents’ right to withdraw their children from inappropriate sex education is to be further reduced from the same date.

This is a nightmare of education that borders on child abuse. Only 2% of the UK population self-identify as gay and the Government Equalities Office reckons the trans population is under 0.08%. But instead of encouraging young children to relate well together when playing with their toys or chasing each other around the playground, the DfE wants to indoctrinate them with adult concepts about homosexuality and gender dysphoria.

“It’s not about sex,” argued a sex and relationships ‘expert’ who I debated on RT tv. “It’s about children accepting that today families come in different forms.”

“Really?” I replied. “It’s on the tin. The clue is in the name: homo-sex-ual.” It’s about same-sex sexual relationships. And teaching primary school children about homosexual relationships and about people changing their sex must inevitably sexualise them out of their childhood innocence.

Mind you, none of this is new. In 2010 Birmingham City Council sent to every primary school in the city a programme called Challenging Homophobia In Primary Schools (CHIPS). It was a “teaching resource aimed at children from Reception to Year 6” and, as intended, the programme necessarily had to educate the young children about homosexuality in order to then ‘challenge’ them about their supposed ‘homophobia’. Yet Reception children can be as young as four.

CHIPS was simply pro-gay propaganda, disguised as an anti-bullying programme, that was clearly intended to sexualise pre-pubescent children and promote homosexuality among them.

The Secretary of State for Education claims his new SRE regulations have a very different purpose. “They are mainly about teaching children kindness,” he is reported to have told a radio audience yesterday. If so, he cannot wonder why the public think politicians are liars and untrustworthy.

But all is not lost. As often, UKIP comes to the rescue. Every UKIP manifesto, from the much-lauded 2015 general election manifesto to Gerard Batten’s Interim Manifesto published last September, has pledged to completely ban sex/LGBT education in primary schools.

It’s yet another reason why UKIP is called the common sense party with common sense policies.

This article was first published by Kipper Central on 26th February

Brexit Betrayal March: A New Grassroots Movement?

Everyone was against us. But in the event, it was our opponents who were on the losing side.

When UKIP leader Gerard Batten and activist Tommy Robinson announced that a joint ‘Brexit Betrayal’ march was to be held on 9th December, heavy opposition came immediately from fellow Brexiteers in the Leave Means Leave camp. First out of the LML stocks was previous UKIP leader and now Brexit establishment figure, Nigel Farage.

Ludicrously, Farage – who recently terminated his UKIP membership – claimed our march could undermine efforts to defeat the Prime Minister’s traitorous Withdrawal Agreement in a vote to be held in the Commons two days later. “I know what will happen,” said the pint-swilling former man-of-the-people. “(The march) will be full of skinheads and people with tattoos to the eyeballs. They’ll all be drunk before they get there, there’ll be punch-ups and God knows what. Brexit will look like a bunch of far-right football thugs and I’m absolutely disgusted by it.”

The first Euro-fanatic out of the Remainer stocks was Labour MP David Lammy who called for mass mobilisation against the rally. “We cannot allow this agenda of hate to be on our streets,” he urged his followers. “Fascist and racist supporters of Tommy Robinson will be out on the streets of London supporting the Brexit no one wants.”

A hard-Left coalition of Unite Against Fascism, Stand Up To Racism and the Muslim Council of Britain didn’t miss the opportunity to call their hard-line Antifa supporters onto the streets either. What they have to say about both UKIP and Tommy Robinson is unrepeatable.

John McDonnell, Labour’s shadow chancellor, asked all Labour Party members, whether Leave or Remain, to join the party’s Momentum organisation on the streets to counter the “poison” of “far-right activist” Tommy Robinson. He fatuously compared Labour’s opposition to our Brexit Betrayal rally with the famous 1936 Cable Street battle of Jews and others against Oswald Mosely’s black-shirted fascists in London’s east end – which battle, history tells us, the Labour Party adamantly refused to support at the time.

Even the pro-Brexit pro-Tory Daily Telegraph promoted the “racist thugs” narrative. Under the headline “Met police fear violent clashes over march by far right ‘Brexit Betrayal’ militants“, the newspaper reported that “Anti-fascist groups, religious leaders and trade unions and have urged thousands to gather to oppose the Brexit Betrayal march which they say will be used as a cover for racist and Islamophobic thugs to intimidate ethnic minority Londoners.”

So the whole political class – left and right, Brexit and Remain, political parties, activist groups and mainstream media – was united in its opposition to us, which as far as I am concerned is a great place to be, pregnant with opportunities. David needs a Goliath to show what he’s got.

I expected this unity of opposition when I first proposed the idea of a Brexit march to Tommy in mid-November. The chasm between the whole out-of-touch political elite in their bubble and the ignored everyday citizens has never been wider, and one purpose of combining the forces of UKIP and the Tommy Robinson movement is to highlight the gap, and to speak for and energise the latter.

Tellingly, when 9th December came, the militants, violent thugs and hate-fuelled fascists were found only amongst the counter-protesters, while our Brexit Betrayal rally was a huge and entirely peaceful family-friendly affair.

If you doubt this, view these videos of the Brexiteer march from Marble Arch and rally at Whitehall here and here. And watch Farage’s prophecies of doom and drunkenness fail here.

I was compere on the podium in Whitehall outside Downing Street and can attest the police were so satisfied with the peaceful nature of our rally that they allowed the event to overrun so that I could complete the packed programme of speakers and music. We publicly thanked the police and finished with patriotic choruses of Rule Britannia and the National Anthem.

Contrast this with the thuggery and fighting with police that took place amongst the counter-protesters here.

Of course the mainstream media was overwhelmingly silent about their violence. The BBC and Sky News said nothing. The Tory-supporting Daily Telegraph and Labour-supporting Daily Mirror gave it not a column inch. Only The Independent whispered confirmation that three counter-protesters were arrested.

Would the media have been mute if the violence had been perpetrated by our marchers and three UKIP members and/or Tommy supporters had been arrested? Of course not. It would have been headline national and European news. The media bias is blatant and downright dishonest.

When it came to numbers at the rival rallies, the establishment media gleefully trumpeted the counter-protesters’ overblown claims. Labour’s Momentum reckoned in The Times that 15,000 opposed us and that they outnumbered us 5 to 1. Stand Up To Racism gloated like demented narcissists over the major front page coverage it was given by its friends in The Guardian, while Unite Against Fascism claimed online that Tommy Robinson had been “humbled” by the size of the counter-protest. Yet more organisations declared a “victory” for the Antifa forces through contrasting the numbers of attendees, some claiming that we had as few as 1,500 at our rally.

But these calculations came from the Diane Abbott school of mathematics and were spun straight out of the Alastair Campbell school of untruth.

It is evident from the videos that our Brexit Betrayal march attracted huge popular support. My personal estimate based on conversations with more experienced marchers together with my view of the crammed crowd which stretched from the podium on Whitehall where I stood, down into Parliament Square, is that 10,000 turned out. One calculation, with mathematical analysis shown, is that 17,000 were there to support Brexit.

Although the counter-demonstrators managed to persuade themselves and their friends in the media echo-chamber that Tommy Robinson and UKIP had suffered an historic defeat at the hands of the courageous forces of anti-fascism, the truth was very different.

Indeed, their desire to claim a victory was so shrill, desperate and visibly unfounded that they vividly exposed the growing anxieties of the political class that they are losing their grip. Following the Brexit referendum and with the rise of Donald Trump in the US, Matteo Salvini in Italy, the AfD in Germany and the Yellow Vests movement in France, the political elite are seeing their hegemony across the UK, Europe and the West disintegrate and have good reason to be anxious about their future.

The rally was successful not only in numbers, enthusiasm and the peaceful nature of the marchers, but also because it was the first opportunity for UKIP and Tommy Robinson to work together and start to mobilise the voiceless grassroots of middle and working-class England.

This successful cooperation should be the first small stride of a new UKIP- and Tommy-led anti-establishment movement that will only grow as it catches the rising tide of public disgust and anger against the out-of-touch political class.

Roll on 2019…

A version of this article was first published on 27th December by Kipper Central

In The Deepening Darkness, Tommy Is A Morning Star

The deep national crisis has been a long time coming and it’s bigger than just Brexit.

It’s even bigger than a quasi-constitutional crisis about whether we’re a functioning democracy.

In full scope it’s an existential crisis about the United Kingdom and its identity, meaning and role in the world.

It started in 1971 when Edward Heath deceived the nation by claiming the EEC was purely about trade and cooperation. The project’s purpose was economic not political he insisted, in clear contradiction of the EU’s Founding Fathers like Robert Schuman.

We believed Heath and hadn’t heard of Schuman’s schemes, so we voted accordingly.

We now know where that has led us. In the name of erasing Europe’s nation-states, a bureaucratic and unaccountable Leviathan has arisen in Brussels. By bribing most of them with our money, the monster has succeeded where Napoleon and Hitler failed: it has gobbled up and strait-jacketed other European nations large and small, ancient and modern, and now struts its stuff across the world stage complete with its own nation-state emblems of flag, anthem, central bank, diplomatic corps and an incipient military force.

Hypocrisy and hubris have become the food and faeces of the Brussels Leviathan.

And, after a thousand years of independence, our once-proud nation has been reduced to the status of an off-shore province and a cash-cow for the management of the monster.

Over the past half century too, and in close cooperation with the Brussels elite who now legislate and regulate our political life, the UK’s liberal political class has busied itself with interfering in our personal and social lives by imposing its language and values on us. It has achieved this via the organs of state – including the fourth estate of the mainstream media – that, like Stalin and Animal Farm’s Comrade Napoleon, arbitrate between “correct” and “incorrect” thoughts, words and deeds. It now controls our discourse and sets the agenda of what we may or may not talk about.

As a result we have been disabled from challenging the establishment’s own deep-seated Anglophobia, fawning Islamophilia, support for mass immigration, minority-worship, devaluation of marriage, promotion of gender fluidity among primary school-age kids, preference for emotion and ideology over facts and evidence, ‘hate-speech’ bans, and all the other progressive-liberal harms and cultural destruction that they’ve foisted upon us.

If we do challenge them, we are subjected to their full arsenal of hate words – xenophobic, Islamophobic, racist, homophobic, transphobic, bigoted, misogynist, a hater or similar – and, if we’re not hauled into court, we are cast into outer political and social darkness.

By June 2016, this liberal hegemony and control of our lives and language was almost complete.

But then the British distaste for lying tyrants and self-serving dictators – even liberal ones with their sleek stage management, their glossy self-presentation, their smooth language about tolerance, compassion and inclusion, and their grasping hands thrust smilingly into our pockets – led the people to vote decisively for Brexit.

It was a volcanic eruption of unprecedented proportions. Britons, especially working-class and middle England, voted for freedom from the reserves of independence and liberty found deep within the national psyche, and this of course threatened to break up the smug and settled liberal landscape on the public surface.

Inevitably the elite mask of civility and tolerance slipped: the response became venomous, the gloves came off and the fight to overturn the democratic will of the people commenced.

Tory Remainers were installed at both addresses in Downing Street; quisling staffers and inexperienced civil servants were sent to negotiate terms with hard-nosed Brussels apparatchiks tasked with punishing the departing non-believers pour encourager les autres; prominent big-beast Brexiteers were enervated by lucrative contracts with media outlets, proved impotent around the Cabinet table, or staffed the Dad’s Army of incompetent and tribal Tory back-benchers; and by November 2018 the light of Brexit and freedom was dying, snuffed out by the Prime Minister’s surrender document of vassalage and servitude.

But against the deepening darkness of national decline and Brexit treachery, a morning star has arisen from a council estate in Luton, flickering at first but now shining ever stronger. The star has confronted the darkness, outwitted the elite and given people hope. The star is called Tommy Robinson.

Working almost alone Robinson has created a huge supporter base by continuously promoting his views and activities over social media. He currently has over 1 million followers on Facebook – more than any of the mainstream political parties.

His hour-long address to the prestigious Oxford University Union has been viewed nearly 1.3 million times.

When he was wrongly arrested and sentenced to jail in a flawed trial earlier this year, 30,000 people took to the streets of London, his name was written in the sky over Sydney Opera House and protests took place outside British consulates and high commissions around the world, including Auckland, Ottawa, Vienna, Copenhagen and New York.

Tommy is everything the politically-correct elite despises: working class, white and male – although he is still too young for them to dismiss him as ‘gammon’. Nor does he drive a white van.

He is intelligent, quick-witted and courageous, and learns swiftly from his mistakes. When he realised the English Defence League he founded was being infiltrated by racists and thugs, he resigned in disgust.

He had formed EDL when Al Muhajiroun extremists led by Anjem Choudary hurled abuse at Royal Anglian Regiment soldiers as they marched through the streets of Luton on their return from Iraq. He was incensed that it was the St George’s Flag-waving Regiment supporters who were arrested, not the Choudary Islamist groupies.

Tommy has since single-handedly and successfully insisted that we must talk about the Muslim grooming gangs that have brutally raped probably quarter of a million underage girls over the past three or four decades. He is, too, increasingly identifying the authorities that persistently turned a blind eye to the atrocities and thereby left many thousands of vulnerable girls in the hands of Pakistani perpetrators.

He would not be silenced when he was banned by Twitter for publishing “hateful” tweets not about Muslims but about Islam. He promptly led a #FreeSpeech march of 3,000 through central London to Speakers Corner, the traditional home of democratic debate.

He has bearded the judiciary in their Old Bailey den with a brilliantly-timed personally-composed Defence Statement that caused the judge to cancel the legal trial, release Tommy from bail and refer the issue up to the Attorney General for a political decision.

He has out-manoeuvred the military establishment. When the Muslim Council of Britain complained to the Ministry of Defence about pictures of Tommy alongside British Army cadets at Newport Pagnell service station on the M1, the military denounced the pictures, investigated the cadets and, the young soldiers revealed, dismissed one. The MCB said “Jump”: the British Army said “How high?” – so Tommy collected 200,000 signatures for a petition demanding the reinstatement of the soldier. He presented it at 10 Downing Street on the same day it emerged that the soldier was not to be dismissed after all. This was, of course, not a coincidence.

His detractors point out he has a criminal record; he illegally entered the US on a false passport, lied on a mortgage application and head-butted an off-duty police officer who intervened in his on-street domestic dispute with his wife.

But supporters retort that these are minor infractions compared with, say, the dodgy-dossier lies, fraudulent prospectuses and illegal wars of the former prime minister, prominent Remainer and BBC favourite, Tony Blair. Blair is only protected from a substantial criminal record by his membership of the ruling class.

And anyway, Tommy has had to grow up recently and put foolish things behind him.

He may be a rising star but he is also a marmite figure; you either like him or loathe him. But he is not divisive; rather he forcefully highlights the divisions that others have created, especially the chasm between the well-heeled politically-correct globalist elite and the rest of us.

On Sunday week Tommy is turning his attention to the current crisis facing the country. Together with UKIP leader Gerard Batten, he is calling for a ‘Brexit Betrayal’ demonstration in London just days before Parliament votes on Theresa May’s pitiable surrender document.

It should be electric. It might light up the political firmament. It’s an event not to be missed.

This article was first published on 30th November by Kipper Central

Rape Gangs: Labour’s Poisonous Cocktail

“He threatened… he would ‘bounce me from Rochdale to Westminster’,” Simon Danczuk, told the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse last October. The former Rochdale Labour MP was talking about  the current Rochdale Labour MP, Tony Lloyd.

At the time Tony Lloyd was Labour’s Police & Crime Commissioner for Manchester. So what had wrung this threat of violence from the city’s then senior representative of law and order?

“Tony did not want the abuse of children linking with the Asian Muslim community,” Danczuk continued, “because it could have an adverse electoral impact for him in the election for Police Commissioner and Labour more generally.”

85% of Muslims vote Labour, so the party’s fear of upsetting that community runs deep.

Jim Dobbin, the now deceased Labour MP for neighbouring Heywood & Middleton, promoted similar electoral self-interest according to Danczuk. “When the grooming scandal hit the town… (Dobbin) also told me not to link the issue to the Asian Muslim community because it would have an adverse electoral impact.”

This connection between Labour and the Muslim rape gangs, who for decades and with impunity have raped tens of thousands of under-age white girls, is apparent right across the North and Midlands. It is no coincidence that local authorities where notorious gangs have openly peddled their foul trade – Rochdale and Rotherham, Newcastle and Oxford, Bradford and Blackburn – are frequently Labour fiefdoms. For reasons of electoral expediency Labour simply denied what was happening under their noses and in plain sight.

This denial provokes a furious response when challenged. Sarah Champion, the courageous Labour MP for Rotherham since 2012, exposed the deception at the heart of her party last year when she wrote in a newspaper column that “Britain has a problem with British Pakistani men raping and exploiting white girls”. The response was swift and draconian from both the Corbynite Hard Left and the Labour-supporting Muslim community.

First she was forced to resign from Jeremy Corbyn’s shadow cabinet, with the party leader insisting “We are not going to blame… or demonise any particular group.”

Then she received death threats after a Leftist ‘racial justice’ organisation JUST Yorkshire claimed Muslims were being racially abused as a result of her remarks, and accused her of “inciting and inviting hatred against minorities”. Scotland Yard’s counter-terrorism unit increased her personal risk level and she was provided with extra police security.

And she is currently facing deselection by the Labour Party, as the Rotherham branch of Momentum and senior members of the town’s Council of Mosques have combined to get her removed as the party’s candidate for the next general election.

It isn’t only electoral self-interest that persuaded Labour to ignore or deny the abuse. Political correctness too was playing its malign part.

When Labour MP Anne Cryer first identified the grooming issue and approached the authorities that have a duty of care in her Keighley constituency – a town since dubbed the “grooming gang capital” of Britain – she found her party colleagues and Labour-supporting media like The Guardian viewed her actions as racist and wouldn’t back her. “At the time I was dealing with this, 2002-04, political correctness was playing a big part,” she said. “The Guardian at that time hardly mentioned these things… because it was so politically correct.”

The Labour MP for Rotherham until 2012, Denis MacShane, admitted there was “a culture of not wanting to rock the multicultural community boat”, and confessed that “as a true Guardian reader and liberal leftie” he himself didn’t want to investigate the issue either.

The sexualisation of children and normalisation of unlawful underage sex has been pushed and promoted for decades by ‘liberal lefties’ in the Labour Party and elsewhere, and has facilitated the rape gang atrocities too according to a number of Serious Case Reviews.

In the early eighties senior Labour figures – former deputy party leader Harriet Harman, current Shadow Minister for Work and Pensions Jack Dromey and minister in Tony Blair’s government Patricia Hewitt – all ran a civil liberties group, now called ‘Liberty’, that promoted its affiliate, the notorious Paedophile Information Exchange, which campaigned for the reduction or abolition of the age of consent. Hewitt herself proposed the age of consent should be reduced to 10 from the current 16. Harman even argued that sexually explicit child pornography should not be considered indecent unless it could be proved that the child had suffered harm.

Thirty years later Labour-run Birmingham City Council pioneered the introduction of the gay-propaganda CHIPS programme to pre-pubescent primary school children, in which children as young as five learnt about intimate same-sex relationships. This was soon followed by Labour-dominated Durham Council and others across the country.

Labour has not been alone in promoting the sexualisation of children and the normalisation of unlawful underage sex of course, but the party has been in the forefront of liberalising attitudes through, for instance, the Blair government’s strategy for tackling teenage pregnancies, 9% of which were attributed to girls under 16. Children were viewed as capable of taking their own lifestyle and life-changing decisions, parents were aggressively sidelined and sexual health centres together with school nurses freely provided condoms, sexual advice and even abortions to teens of all ages without judgement or question.

Following the 2013 Oxford rape gang convictions where seven Muslim men were found guilty of sexual violence, sadism, rape and assault on six white girls all of whom were underage, the key question arose: Why wasn’t something done by local agencies and authorities with a duty of care for the children; why didn’t they intervene to protect the children when they knew what was happening?

The Oxford Serious Case Review concluded:

“There was…an acceptance of a degree of underage sexual activity that reflects a wider societal reluctance to consider something ‘wrong’. This involves ascribing to young teenagers a degree of self-determining choice which should be respected. […] In a nutshell, a child may be judged mature enough to get contraceptives to have sex with an adult at an age when they are deemed in law unable to give consent to the sex itself. It is no wonder there was confusion and a lack of confidence in taking action.” 

In other words, when a vulnerable underage girl was known to be having unlawful sex with older men, the Oxford authorities did not intervene because they viewed her as exercising her free lifestyle choice.

Similar observations can be found in the 2013 Rochdale Serious Case Review. And the 2014 Rotherham Inquiry found bluntly that “children as young as 11 were deemed (by the authorities) to be having consensual intercourse when in fact they were being raped and abused by adults.”

It is no coincidence of course that Oxford City, Rochdale and Rotherham councils are all run by the same party.

Labour’s poisonous cocktail of electoral self-interest, political correctness and promotion of underage sex has facilitated the rape with impunity of many thousands of vulnerable girls across the country.

The victims should obtain justice and reparation from the Labour-run authorities for their culpable failure to protect them.

And UKIP must hold the Labour Party to account for its culpable failure at next May’s local elections.

This article was first published on 5th November by UKIP Daily and Kipper Central 

Rape Gangs: The Worst Social Crime For 200 Years

The decades-long and nationwide rape of many thousands of underage girls – and some boys – by brutal and depraved predominantly Muslim rape gangs is, in my view, the worst social crime for 200 years.

Decades-long?

Jayne Senior, the local whistle-blower who exposed the extent of child abuse in Rotherham, says that the gangs were certainly operating in the town in the 1990s.

Researcher and writer Peter McLoughlin – whose book Easy Meat is obligatory reading for those who want to understand the horror – reckons the first public reference to rape gang activity was in the Birmingham area in 1988, but he is confident that with further research grooming by Muslim men could be traced back even to the 70s.

Thanks to its Freedom of Information requests, the Sunday Mirror investigation into Telford child grooming obtained documents showing that the abuse epidemic was first recorded internally by the authorities as long ago as 1981.

So the rape gangs have existed in the UK, publicly unidentified and unacknowledged by the authorities, for up to four decades.

Nationwide?

It’s a mistake to think that the grooming gangs are restricted just to working-class northern towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, Bury, Newcastle and Bradford.

Telford in Shropshire has a massive ongoing grooming scandal and returns a Tory MP. Oxford, with its dreaming spires but also its infamous ‘shag wagon’ rape gang, is hardly a declining industrial city.

“Any area that says it does not have a problem with grooming gangs simply isn’t looking for it,” said the Chief Executive of Newcastle City Council in February following Northumbria Police’s extensive Operation Sanctuary investigation into child sexual abuse. Chief Constable Steve Ashman concurred: “There is every likelihood that this is happening in every town and city across the country,” he said.

Indeed it is. The cancer has spread countrywide. Even the quintessentially English south coast port of Plymouth, where Sir Francis Drake allegedly played bowls while the Spanish Armada approached, with its cobbled streets and famous Mayflower Steps from which Pilgrim Fathers set off for the new world in 1620, has suffered from grooming gang activities. Eight men were arrested on rape and drugs charges in December 2016: Salar Mohmood, Ibriam Ibryam, Samir Jewa, Mahmoud Kadar, Dana Rahem, Jasem Waly, Mozafar Kalepana and Xhimi Boko.

And the well-heeled and historic market town of Banbury in leafy Oxfordshire has had its own resident grooming gang too.

Many thousands of victims?

Sarah Champion, Rotherham’s MP since 2012, has labelled the rape gangs a “national disaster” and claimed there are “hundreds of thousands… up to a million victims of exploitation nationwide… girls in the process of being groomed.” She bases her calculations not only on her Rotherham experience but also from contacts she has had from across the country. As evidence she cited “four big cases each with a couple of thousand (girls)” that were occurring in the “smallest towns”.

In 2015 then Prime Minister David Cameron saw the issue as sufficiently serious and widespread to call it a “national threat” – although he did not publicly quantify that threat. 

Sampling can help us make reasonable estimates about the phenomenon:

In June 2017 police in the small mill town of Keighley announced they were investigating 179 new rape crimes, with 168 suspects and “more than 100 victims.” Keighley has a population of 51,000 and such an extensive track record of rape gang activity – publicly identified by the courageous Ann Cryer when she was local MP from 1997 to 2010 – that it caused the town to be named the nation’s “child grooming capital”. Extrapolating across the whole country solely, and therefore very conservatively, from the police’s 100 newly identified victims as a proportion of Keighley’s total population, there are at least 129,000 victims nationwide.

Oxford, has a population of 152,000 and 373 identified victims according to the Safeguarding Board’s Serious Case Review – but undoubtedly with many other hidden and unidentified children who have suffered too. Extrapolated across the UK, these cautious SCR figures indicate that there are at least 162,000 victims nationally.

Telford, has a population of 170,000 and, from the Sunday Mirror investigation, 1,000 victims. Extrapolated, this would imply 388,000 victims nationally.

Professor Jay’s Rotherham report “conservatively” identified 1,400 child abuse victims in the town during the period 1999 to 2013, out of a total population of around 255,000. Jayne Senior reckons the figure should be “at least 1,700… and could be up to 2,000 victims”. If we assume the real figure is Senior’s 1,700, then 0.07% of the total Rotherham population suffered at the hands of the rape gangs during those 14 years. More, of course, have suffered before and since.

Extrapolating the Rotherham figures across the UK, the national figure would be 440,000 victims.

From the above and other evidence it is reasonable to assume that there are now at least a quarter of a million (250,000) child victims of rape gangs across the UK – a national atrocity that is simply beyond words.

In a future article I intend to identify local authorities’ complicity in the atrocity, and how they sacrificed the nation’s children on the high altars of political correctness and electoral expediency.

This article was first published by UKIP Daily on 15 October and by Kipper Central on 16th October, 2018

Truth-telling About Rape Gang ‘Holocaust’, UKIP Conference 2018

In my capacity as UKIP Spokesperson for Families & Children, I gave a platform speech at the party’s annual conference in Birmingham on 21st/22nd September.

I focused on the largely unacknowledged and shameful rape gang scandal, which I referred to as a ‘holocaust of our daughters’.

The Daily Mirror said my comments were incendiary  while ITV’s report reckoned I was accused of being “alarmist“.

But in my view ‘holocaust’ is a valid description of the immense scale and violent depraved depths of the crime against under-age children across the country, and the UKIP audience seemed to agree.

If you wish you can make up your own mind by viewing the speech here .

Tommy Robinson At The Old Bailey Tomorrow

I have this morning sent this message to Tommy Robinson:

Hi Tommy,
 
I know you are not religious. However tomorrow when you stand in the dock at the Old Bailey, you will be God’s man standing for light, truth and free speech while the forces of darkness and control will be ranged against you.
 
This is a seminal moment in the life of our country. You are being given a world-famous platform to make the case for freedom, and the world will be watching. 
 
Occasionally one man making a stand can save a country. Tomorrow, Tommy, you are that man.
 
So be bold, strong and courageous, and do not be silenced. I will be praying that you hold your head high as a proud Englishman fighting for freedom, and that you receive true justice.
 
#IamTommy, and so are many thousands of others.
 
Your friend and admirer,
 
Alan Craig

CSA And Rape Gangs: Honour Survivors’ Courage

The two most electrifying speakers at the #SurvivorsFirst rally of child sexual abuse sufferers at Rochdale were both Scots.

Dave Sharp, one of the organisers, told how he had been raped, drugged, shut in coffins, hanged by the neck and trafficked to Ireland while at a Catholic boys’ residential school in Fife. After years of drug and alcohol abuse to numb the pain, he became a Christian, turned his life around and now seeks out and supports other victims of CSA through the organisation he founded, Seek And Find Everyone (SAFE).

I have heard Dave speak before. I was the more shocked when I heard Shazia Hobbs for the first time.

Shazia is the Glasgow-born daughter of a Pakistani immigrant father and a Scottish mother who was her father’s second wife. Brought up to go to mosque and, at 18, forced into marriage to a much older Muslim man who she met for the first time on her wedding night, she rebelled and left her Pakistani family and community to live amongst white Scottish Glaswegians.

Having seen the Pakistani Muslim community from the inside, she now speaks publicly about the physical and sexual abuse of women and children within it.

As she stood in the shadow of Rochdale’s renowned Victorian Gothic town hall with its massive clock tower, Shazia attacked Muslim female politicians Naz Shah, Labour MP for Bradford West, and former Tory party chairman Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, for complaining loudly about Islamophobia in the white community while being mute about the oppression of women and children in their own where, Shazia says, CSA and FGM are rife.

Truth hurts. Through her exposures she has upset some Muslims and their useful idiots on the Left, so she now has a panic button installed in her home and is under police protection. She lives in fear for her own safety but refuses to be silenced.

I admired her courage; it was a privilege to listen to her. Her speech was also a useful balance to the dominant Rochdale narrative about white English girls being raped by gangs of Pakistani Muslim men, for which the town has become notorious.

It was because of these infamous rape gangs that #SurvivorsFirst chose Rochdale for its first CSA survivors’ rally.

The #SurvivorsFirst movement is an umbrella body that comprises a number of grassroots CSA organisations such as SAFE, Shatterboys UK and Parents Against Grooming UK. It was launched in Hyde Park at the end of July where we heard heart-felt stories from sexually abused people who, with help from the organisations, had bravely moved on from seeing themselves as damaged ‘victims’ to identifying themselves as more hopeful ‘survivors’. The launch was an emotional experience.

On Saturday we marched through Rochdale town centre holding #SurvivorsFirst banners aloft. We stopped at the location of the notorious Smith Street toilets where boys in Council care in the 80s had been sexually exploited by paedophiles directly under the watch of Council child care officers. We threw roses into the River Roch in memory of abused children and those who have subsequently taken their own lives.

And we heard more compelling speeches from survivors and their help organisations.

UKIP was strongly represented. Katie Fanning from the NEC was everywhere chatting to survivors and putting photos up on Facebook. Members of UKIP Rochdale branch helped steward the rally. And I was welcomed onto the speakers’ platform as UKIP’s Families & Children spokesperson.

In my speech I insisted that, to help survivors get closure, rigorous justice should be both done and seen to be done. Those at senior level in large organisations like the BBC, the church and local authorities who have a duty of care towards children in their charge and who had deliberately turned a blind eye to CSA taking place, should be sacked, prosecuted and if appropriate jailed.

I also pledged UKIP would ensure that offending institutions would fund programmes of therapy, mentoring and medical help for their CSA victims, in order to help them recover from their trauma.

The commitments were well received and UKIP will be invited to the next rally. The organisers reckon that 200,000 people watched the event live on social media, which they reckon will help get the public behind their new movement.

The courage of the survivors in speaking up in public and working to get their lives back is impressive. They deserve UKIP’s full support.

This report was first published by UKIP Daily on 28th August and a similar report was published by Kipper Central on 27th  August

Nigel Farage: Hero To Zero?

Nigel was my hero.

I loved him for how, almost singlehandedly, he had rescued the country from the controlling clutches of Jean-Claude Junker and the power-mad dead-hands in Brussels.

I respected him for how, single-mindedly, he had toured the country for 20 years speaking against our membership of the EU. I first heard him in a Tottenham backstreet ten years ago before I joined UKIP. The meeting had been organised by Winston McKenzie, then UKIP’s Commonwealth spokesman, but it was a cold wet night and only 10 people attended. Nevertheless Nigel was charismatic, passionate and funny. I was impressed.

I admired him for how he was so committed to the cause that he rolled with the punches, took insults, opprobrium and debilitating ‘racist’ accusations on the chin, and still came back for more – usually smiling and with a pint in his hand.

I even defended him when he resigned as party leader immediately after the 2016 referendum, leaving the party bereft and adrift. “Nigel has given his all,” I pointed out to his UKIP critics. “He has earned a holiday and a break from politics.”

The first inkling that Nigel wanted to stay involved in UKIP internal affairs despite his resignation came when he agreed to be Henry Bolton’s political referee during the September 2017 party leadership election. I was David Kurten’s campaign manager and was frustrated that Nigel should give this huge and unfair boost to Henry, alone of all the candidates.

My jaw also dropped with disappointment when, in January this year, Nigel argued that there possibly should be a second referendum to stop the whining and whingeing of Remoaners like Nick Clegg and Tony Blair. It seemed like betrayal. After all UKIP’s hard work, Nigel was now wobbling under pressure from lightweight busted flushes Clegg and Blair. My hero’s halo was beginning to slip.

But the show-stopper came in February when Nigel again publicly backed the incompetent lothario Henry Bolton. Bolton’s antics and arrogance were destroying UKIP before our eyes, yet Nigel fatuously compared him to Jeremy Corbyn and said Bolton could be the reforming saviour of the party.

Fortunately members ignored him and at the Birmingham EGM the same month they voted for Bolton to pack his bags. Nigel’s nominee was sacked after just five ineffective and embarrassing months in the job.

The party, though, was left a laughing-stock and nearly bankrupt. And Nigel’s halo was hanging by a thread.

Without personal ambition and from an honourable sense of duty, Gerard Batten stepped into the breach and promptly raised enough money to save the party and force London Mayor Sadiq Khan to eat his spite-fuelled words. He appointed a new chairman and treasurer and new deputy leaders, and started to clear up Henry’s mess and steady the ship.

And as the party’s former Brexit spokesman, he ensured exiting the EU remained the party’s core issue and his personal priority.

But Gerard is also known as a proponent of free speech and a critic of Islam, although he will never countenance any form of Muslim-bashing.

In this context former Islamic extremist and founder of the Quilliam Foundation, Majid Naawaz, draws  an important distinction between Muslimophobia (hating Muslims as people) which is not acceptable, and Islamophobia (hating Islam the religion) which is. It’s a distinction that is vital in a democracy, and one that I suspect Gerard strongly supports.

When Gerard tweeted recently that ‘Islam is a death cult’, his Twitter account was immediately suspended and his free speech curtailed. But it’s a valid if contentious view about Islam that ought to be open for free debate, not closed down.

And indeed, if Gerard had instead described Christianity or Communism as a death cult, nobody would have batted an eyelid. Read for instance the extraordinary abuse that celebrity atheist Richard Dawkins heaps on the Jewish and Christian God in his best-seller, ‘The God Delusion’- insults he repeats on stage and screen while chortling at his own cleverness. I’ve seen him.

And read the Winston Churchill and Ronald Reagan stinging critiques of Communism.

The blasphemy laws that protect Islam alone from criticism and that prevail in official circles and the media as well as on Twitter, have caught others in their net too. Lauren Southern was banned from the UK as a result of the adjectives she applied to Islam’s Allah – adjectives that are much milder than those Dawkins applies to Christianity’s God.

And when Tommy Robinson held up a Quran on Piers Morgan’s Good Morning Britain TV show and said it is a violent and accursed book – which is virtually exactly what Dawkins says about the Bible – Morgan went apoplectic, the media went into meltdown and the show was referred to Ofcom.

More recently Robinson was banned from Twitter too. Gerard decided therefore to join his ‘Day of Freedom’ protest outside Downing Street on 6th May to speak up for free speech and the right to criticise Islam freely as we do other religions and ideologies.

Robinson is no saint and certainly he has in the past strayed into Muslimophobia which is utterly unacceptable. Muslims are our fellow citizens and deserve respect like everyone else.

But the aim of the protest was right so Gerard spoke powerfully from the platform. He also spoke at last weekend’s massive (and global) #FreeTommy protest after Robinson was suddenly arrested, convicted and jailed all within five hours at Leeds Crown Court.

Some party members are wary of the UKIP association with Robinson and the apparent tilt of the party towards the free-speech Right. Jim Carver MEP quietly resigned. Other members have emailed Gerard their concerns and anxious senior colleagues have no doubt spoken to him in private. That’s the right route, and I have little doubt the leader will take on board what they say.

But Nigel does party allegiance differently. He has toured UKIP branches openly criticising the association with Robinson and objecting to any anti-Islam stance – views that were rapidly republished on social and old media .

Any private suggestions or quiet words of advice from the former leader to the current one? None. Instead it’s the Farage foghorn, sounded with the deliberate intention of stirring up party disunity.

Having nearly destroyed the party by foisting Henry Bolton on us, it looks like Nigel is having another go with his wrecking ball by publicly undermining the leader who rescued us from that disaster.

Yet he could instead do something really constructive and useful. Brexit is in crisis. He might follow the example of Gordon Brown during the 2014 Scottish Independence referendum. The former prime minister came out of political retirement, toured Scotland with a series of barnstorming speeches and, by various accounts, turned public opinion and saved the day. Nigel could do likewise for exiting the EU and we’d love him for it.

Meanwhile his halo now lies in the dust and my hero has made himself zero.

If Nigel cannot show some loyalty to the party and its present leader, he should renounce his party membership and butt out.

This article was first published by UKIP Daily and Kipper Central on 15th June